Sue Young Homeopathy

THE ARCHAEOLOGY OF DISEASE

WHAT REMAINS FOR US TO STUDY?

It is indeed remarkable that so much organic material from the past remains for archaeologists to study.

Egyptian and South American mummies survive in large numbers. Frozen remains also exist, giving us dramatic snap shots from the past. Material remains from ancient techniques of smoke drying, honey soaking, air drying, shrunken body parts and also remains from bogs and wet lands, ensure that we have a remarkable body of evidence to study. Material from natural disasters such as volcanic eruption (Pompeii), mud slides (Ozette USA) and frozen natural disasters (Alaska) allow us access to huge amounts of organic material that has survived in a form that allows quite detailed investigation and analysis. Skeletal evidence and remains from cremation urns are also quite prolific, and remains, human and animal, from every epoch in history survive, allowing archaeologists to extrapolate a great deal of information.

It is also a sad fact that despite what did survive, so much has not. Not all disease leaves traces that can be detected, even though we do have some very good organic remains. Infectious disease for example, leaves very little trace on the body. It is only relatively recently that forensic skills for detecting bacteria and micro-organisms have been available, so much new evidence will come to light in the future. Indeed, paleopathologists have developed such an extraordinary forensic specialism in the analysis of residual human remains, that other professionals are eager to consult them.

It is also important to emphasise that archaeologists study the surrounding landscape, thus ensuring that patterns of population settlement and/or abandoment of sites can be studied to give information about disease outbreaks. Such is the case reported by Ann F Ramenofsky (1), detailing evidence of the decimation of population by smallpox (and other infectious diseases?) by counting the number of hearths and houses, before, during and after the sixteenth century in the Americas. Thus, comparison with written records of outbreaks of smallpox from this time period can be compared with actual evidence from the field. Indeed, evidence from the Lower Mississippi Valley from this time show a drop in population of 80% in only fifty years after the arrival of Europeans in America in the sixteenth century.

The study of bones

It really is quite staggering what can be detected from the study of bones. Any disease that will leave a trace on bone ( e.g. Syphillis, arthritis, traumatic injury and many others) can be identified, thus at least giving some idea of how long life in Earth has suffered these conditions. Indeed, it is in remains from very early epochs that such diseases as osteomyelitis, dental decay and traumatic abscess can be seen. It seems that dinosaurs suffered from arthritis and non specific bone inflammation, often as a result of traumatic injury or dietary deficiency from famine; indeed dietary and industrial information from human remains can be quite specific and illuminating e.g. lead contamination and rickets.

Homo Erectus skeletons give evidence of bony tumours forming after injury, and skeletons from early homo Sapiens communities show a great deal of evidence of the survival of traumatic injuries, resetting and reduction of fractures and much early surgery. It seems that trepanation was performed (amongst other reasons) for the release of pressure after head injury or infection; neglected dental abscesses with concomitant destruction of the nasal turbinates and nasal septum was extremely common. Such neglected abscesses can lead to nasty intercranial situations and spinal changes (4 page 64).

The skeletal remains show very high recovery rates from fracture, with little evidence of secondary infection, a pattern also seen from studies of wild apes. It seems quite clear from the archaeological record that Palaeolithic and Mesolithic interbreeding and habits of isolated tribal existence severely hampered infectious diseases (2 page 147); infections may kill members, but the rest survive immune. It also seems that natural selection favours disease organisms that do not kill the host (3 foreword). It is most likely due to this that there is little evidence from the skeletal record of infected wounds, and high recovery rates from dreadful injuries are seen in all populations (4 page 52).

Clear evidence is seen of dreadful wounds from clubs and spears, arrow shot (flint arrow heads still in situ in some mesolithic and Neolithic remains), sword cuts, spear thrusts, sling shots, cross bow bolts and gun shots etc., commonly showing bone healing, often with appalling deformities, and again, evidence of early surgical techniques are common. The evidence here also argues for persons being cared for, even when very infirm and disabled. Archaeological evidence also shows good evidence for ritual deaths and penal mutilations and even mass executions. Cannibalism seems to have been very common also (4 page 138), but the evidence is hardly unequivocal.

It is also apparent that industrial and agricultural injuries reflect the activities of ancient populations. Anglo Saxon skeletons demonstrate many agricultural leg, arm and wrist fractures, reflecting the methods of tool use for clearing fields and hoeing. Egyptian skeletons more commonly show ‘parry’ fractures in arm bones, especially in females, possibly reflecting guarding the head against blows (4 page 50).

Patterns of osteoarthritis demonstrate types of labour and division of labour in communities, from lower lumbar problems in Anglo Saxons (agriculture), thoracic and cervical problems in Egyptians (Nubian women carrying pots on their heads?) to degeneration of the first metatarsal in the soldiers following Alexander the Great (from marching?) to degeneration of the shoulder and elbow in early Patagonians (from throwing the bola?) (4 page 65).

The study of muscle insertions can indicate the type of lifestyle of the individual, from acrobats to sedentary academics. The study of congenital bone deformities from the skeletal remains identify congenital hip dislocation (Neolithic and Apache), microcephaly (widespread), hydrocephaly (Romano British), dwarfism (Egypt), sickle cell anaemia (pre Columbia mound builders) and much more than can be detailed here. Examples of endocrine disorders survive from the Pleistocene age. Blood group can also be ascertained from the skeletal remains, and mitochondrial evidence has opened up whole new areas of research.

Infectious Diseases and pathology

Infective organisms such as schistosoma, bilharzia, guinea worm and tapeworm etc. seem common amongst Egyptian mummies, and it seems very possible that these have been affecting people and animals from very early times. Conditions such as pneumonia, sinusitis, appendicitis, septicaemia, kidney abscess, smallpox, typhus, plague, malaria, polio, diabetes, TB, calculi (gall bladder, bladder and renal) seem common and equally ancient.

Note that the New World appeared to be free of smallpox, typhus, diphtheria, plague and cholera and possibly yellow fever, leprosy and malaria until the conquest. Most authorities seem to agree that diabetes is a very old disease, but actual skeletal proof dates to about 200 ACE (4 page 106). TB is confirmed in Neolithic skeletons and often described as a disease of considerable antiquity (5 page 135).

Leprosy on the other hand is considered a relatively modern disease, with the earliest examples dating from 600 BCE (5 page 145), but there seem to be no evidence of this disease in Egypt before the time of Alexander the Great, and it is believed to have really spread via the Roman legions. Scarlet fever was only identified as late as 1600 ACE in Naples, and diphtheria is seen 200 ACE in Cappadocia, then it disappears till 1600 ACE when it is identified in Spain. Cholera can only been certainly described in the last 150 years (4 page 89). Elephantiasis appears in 600 ACE in Byzantium and yellow fever also seems quite recent. We need to ask questions here about social conditions, and to detail our analysis carefully.

Syphillis seem to cause a great deal of controversy, some authors report evidence of extremely ancient origin (2 page 147), and some authors report very modern origin (3 page 32). Pinta, yaws, endemic syphilis and venereal syphilis may or may not be the same, there is much academic discussion around the treponema bacteria, even though the symptoms of each are identical, they all behave differently (5 page 151). However, only the last stage of syphilis, when destructive changes occur, will show in the archaeological record, (only 10-12%). There is evidence that the advent of global travel does coincide with the historical descriptions of treponema.

Malignant disease is a broad category, however, definite examples exist in both the Old and the New Worlds (2 page 147), though it is very rare (3 page 34). Though it is known from the archaeological record, the modern explosion of this disease is set in context by only two or three cases found in all of the many Egyptian mummies studied so far. Osteosarcoma is known from the archaeological record, and it is known that the most malignant forms affects the young predominantly, whose remains do not survive from the past as well (5 page 190). Malignancy affecting the old is more likely to survive for archaeologists to study. There is evidence that cancer becomes the main focus for illness in the human population with the advent of environmental changes and major changes in dietary habit in recent times, though contact with carcinogenic agents is not a modern phenomena, we are more likely to be in contact with these today (5 page 195).

Note that there are considerable problems with diagnosis across the board, and we must hope that future forensic skills will clarify the position here. We do not always have definitive evidence, as ancient populations died young for the most part, and if this was from infectious disease or rank pathology, then there was not enough time for skeletal changes to take place, thus diagnosis from existing remains is often disputed (5 page 124).

Another disease that cannot by its nature be found in organic remains is mental illness, however, we do have detailed descriptions of these from ancient Indian, Chinese and Greek texts. Hellebore, opium, hyoscymus and mandrake were common remedies (4 page 128).

It is remarkable though, how healthy ancient populations were in comparison to today’s population, though there is evidence of living conditions leading to anthracosis and silicosis from industry, mining and smoke inhalation, and life expectancy was indeed very short. It seem that the spread of cultural and social models and the mixing of populations and the growth of city states contributed a great deal to the spread of infectious agents. Many modern diseases seem absent or extremely rare in ancient populations, and the advent of sugar seems particularly disastrous to human health. All records show a dramatic increase in dental caries from the 10th century (2 page 151) after the introduction of sugar, and there is evidence that sugar is a root cause of much modern misery (7 page 47 - 68)

Roman Era

Thanks to the survival of written material, it is possible to capture a fascinating snap shot of disease in Roman times. Existing texts are very detailed and give a comprehensive description of diseases of the time and also beliefs and techniques from that era. This information enables archaeologists and paleopathologists to compare evidence of organic remains with actual descriptions of disease, thus allowing a useful check on the archaeological record. Texts from other ancient cultures also exist, enabling similar checks to archaeological evidence (India, China).

The evidence of ancient surgical techniques from the skeletal record is well borne out by these texts, the Romans were excellent surgeons, and indeed the quality of Roman medical instruments was not surpassed until recent times (6 page 114), though it has to be said that techniques vary significantly! Anaesthetics, mostly opium, henbane and, antiseptics such as pitch and turpentine were used, but it seems that infection was a big problem, necessitating very rapid surgical intervention. Manipulation and reduction of fractures accords well with modern practice, and must surely reflect quite ancient techniques and experience. Most diseases known today are detailed in these texts, alongside methods of treatment and diet that would not seem out of place in modern hospitals.

However, some of the Roman doctor’s advice would be looked at askance today, but these texts are very useful for the detailed descriptions of techniques of healing and votive offering that explains a great deal of the archaeological finds from early sites. Detailed descriptions of healing temples and the use of dreams and magic allow greater understanding of techniques prevalent in the ancient world. The record shows that Neanderthals covered their dead with spring flowers, and the archaeological record presents much evidence of human burial rites and healing shrines and activities of a spiritual nature.

Modern human attempts to deal with disease can be better understood when compared to ancient beliefs as Kat Duff explains “Fossil memories: …sick people often speak of crawling back through the ages … like archaeologists searching for hidden origins” (8 page 24).

Summary

Considering the task set before archaeologists and paleopathologists, and the rare occurrence of very early finds, huge amounts of knowledge have been rescued by busy researchers. Though there still remains a lot of clarification regarding exact diagnoses in some cases, and there still remains controversy over malignant disease and Syphillis, it is quite astounding how much information has been recovered. This information does rather more than illuminate our understanding of health and sickness in ancient societies, it forms the basis of a considerable body of knowledge. This will no doubt be refined and added to as research techniques and forensic methods improve in the future, however modern techniques are pretty impressive already, so the future looks very bright indeed for this line of research.

Bibliography:

Ann F RamenofskyDeath by DiseaseArchaeology March/April 1992, vol. 45, no.2, pp 47- 49
Dr Brothwell Digging Up Bones Oxford University Press 1981
Eds. A and E Cockburn Mummies, Disease and Ancient Cultures Cambridge University Press 1980
Ed. Dr Glynn DanielBones, Bodies and Disease Thames Hudson 1964
C. Roberts and K. Manchester The Archaeology of Disease Cornell University Press 1995
Ralph JacksonDoctors and Diseases in the Roman Empire British Museum Publications 1988
Melissa AssilemMad Hatter’s Tea Party Helios Homoeopathic Pharmacy 1994
Kat DuffThe Alchemy of IllnessBell Tower New York 1993 The Archaeology of Disease